The factual: Online primary news outlet branded as depoliticized.

The problem of climate change has become a political football in Washington, D.C., and in statehouses across the U.S.
While 70% of Americans agree that global temperatures are rising, once you dive into the specifics, agreement tends to evaporate.

You cannot drag a citizen to the “stream of news,” and you can’t make them drink only what you’d like.
The challenge today, put simply, is the same as the one confronting Lippmann in 1919—to revitalize the flow of information in the American public sphere.
Such considerations should be one factor weighed in policy decisions which should largely be determined on broader considerations compared to the politics of expression.
The main arena for media antitrust, for instance, is in the economics of advertising, currently monopolized by Google and Facebook.
This raises important questions about economic competition and about citizen privacy, all of which may be grounds for economic regulation and which should be debated on their own terms.

All told, during the Mongkok riot, eighty-five people sustained injuries, thirty were convicted of rioting and assault, and handed heavy sentences of up to seven years in prison.
Emerging as a fringe force through the Umbrella Movement, the usage of physical confrontation with the authorities and with opposition movements was initially condemned for introducing violence and sectarianism, and deviating from Hong Kongers’ core value of respecting law and order.

But there is a risk that simply splintering ownership will encourage centralization at another point in the media economy, as local stations, deprived of the economic great things about scale, will seek to syndicate material to reproduce those economic efficiencies.
It seems more important to pair any antitrust politics with, for example, local content rules for broadcast licenses.
But the reason to invest in the production of information isn’t to assume that good information will drive out bad information in a few sort of reverse Gresham’s law.
Nor is it to assume

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You’ll be able to imagine these organizations taking several forms; experimentation with form and style and output is to be welcomed.
But what I’ve in mind is something in the middle ground between simple transparency work, on the one hand, and attention-grabbing story seeking, on the other.
The demands of basic transparency can be met in other ways—public records law, recording local board meetings and posting them online, etc.—but the thing is that no one really has the time to sift through raw material of this sort.

• Stop the Steal rallies on the proper and counter rallies on the left pop-up in state after state.
• New information and communication technologies are rapidly becoming an important mechanism for delivering political news, competing with
• Yet, in 2019, the regime reacted with a full-throttled police prepared to inflict disproportionate and indiscriminate assault on peaceful demonstrators on June 12, only a few days after the first massive million-strong march.
• Probably the most controversial and contentious effort by China to get symbolic power is arguably the global networks of Confucius Institutes .

You deserve to possess control over the programs you use, and even more so when you use them for something important in your life.
Exercise, in all forms, produces the substances mentioned previously, and also means that you turn off your thoughts, become creative and come up with good ideas (Book 5, p. 104).
The importance of a dynamic lifestyle is underlined (Book 2, p. 254); “the purpose is to make one feel good, and that means you will thrive and succeed both in school and later in life”.
The descriptions in the textbooks in lots of ways place humans in the realm necessarily.

Commissioner For Human Rights (ombudsman)

So in many places, the right to praise the authorities is ensured, as the opposite right is just formally declared.
First, it is easy to speak against partisan gerrymandering when the other side does it—but harder to guard unilateral disarmament.
Second, racial gerrymandering is allowed beneath the Voting Rights Act, also it helps minority voters symbolically and substantively.207 Yet racial gerrymanders have emerged as partisan by the right.
Paradoxically, they could harm overall Democratic chances for gaining seats inside your home of Representatives by packing good sized quantities into safe districts above what is necessary for representation.
And, of course, a lot of the issue of safe seats has to do with voters self-sorting geographically, not gerrymandering itself.

• It includes the elision of theoretical distinctions between individual ethical practice and democratic citizenship, while increasing the theoretical gap between agonistic practices—contestation, conflict, direction action—and policy-making within the institutional context of liberal constitutionality.
• The logic was “if we burn (because of China’s suppression), you burn around ,” which resonated with the “endgame” sentiment in the frontline.
• Creating a large, strongly identified, conservative, prodemocratic grouping with which individuals can identify and belong without social opprobrium supplies a permission structure for changing social norms.
• Rather, democracy is really a legitimation project, under that your decisions of representative elites are justified with regards to the publicity of the reasons or justifications supplied with the person.

FLOSS is sited at the intersection of several of liberal democratic theory’s desiderata.
Self-conscious hackers in the wonderful world of FLOSS conceive of these shared goals because the maximization of individual freedom with respect to the use of computers.
Coleman describes how many hackers conceive of this activity in explicitly ethical terms.
For them, hacking is a vital expression of individual freedom—simultaneously an aesthetic posture as well as a furtherance of specific ethical projects .

One the main massive terminus is leased by Hong Kong authorities with their mainland counterparts to allow passengers to feed both immigration portals in one station.
At the community level, united front work uses financial incentives, logistical supports, and work at home opportunities to entice pro-China behavior among overseas clans associations, native place associations, Chinese business associations, councils for peaceful reunification of China, and the like.
Economic incentives often come packaged with heavy doses of nationalistic rhetoric.
The Chinese embassies, via their control over Chinese nationals’ passport status and life chances of family members back, can demand compliance of Chinese students and scholars abroad, eliciting their assistance in collecting information of foreign countries or forming crowds on the street to drown out anti-China protesters .
Having explained the impetuses propelling China’s global project, we have now turn to how it is being pursued in Hong Kong.
The three elements – patron clientelism, economic statecraft, and symbolic domination – in the global China playbook are familiar to scholars and citizens of China because they have already been used within China.

To avoid ‘concept stretching’ we will briefly describe what we mean by citizenship and democracy.
We argue, in line with Gert Biesta , for a have to keep citizenship education focused on politics and democracy.
In accordance with Biesta citizenship is seen as a both political engagement and collective decision-making that